I don’t know where to begin. As I was reading, listening, and watching, so
many thoughts flashed into my head. My
apparent lack of knowledge about Pine Ridge Indian Reservation and just the
history in general regarding the United States and Indian relations was one of
the things I realized. Frankly, I must
admit I had not given a lot of thought about Indian reservations prior to this
assignment. I guess I had a romantic
view of how they were connected harmoniously with nature and were happy and at
peace. Though I might have continued
believing that if we had just looked at George Catlin’s landscape portraits, I
obviously had a real “enlightenment” when it came to Aaron Huey’s photography
and especially his Ted Talk. Now, I’m
not going to keep on going on and on about how Huey’s photography and Fuller’s
article and podcast made me realize I had been living in my own little world,
but I wanted to let you know where I was coming from, and I kind of imagine I’m
not alone there. Nevertheless, what I’d
like to do in this blog is connect some of our secondary readings to Huey’s
pictures in order to see the connections to territory.
First, in Brenner and Elden’s article, they discuss
Henri Lefebvre and how he discusses territory as a space—Lefebvre especially
discusses “abstract space”—that is political, visionary (or “political
imaginaries”), and violent (358-59). Though
the territory of the Black Hills is not an abstract space, I think these three
aspects are worth looking at. Brenner
and Elden go on to point out that the notion of land could be understood as
“the articulation between the nation-state and its territory” (363). This is a crude summary, but I can’t go into
too much detail in this blog. I think
the politics of territory is one of the key ways to look at Huey’s
photography. After all, Huey employs his
photography of the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation as a way of making a political
statement: “Give the Black Hills back to the Lakota. What they do with them is none of your
business.” The “territory” of the Black
Hills becomes a political issue.
Interestingly, Mount Rushmore, with our forefathers looking out over the
land, seems “visionary.” Yet, as I
listened to on the National Geographic website from a girl about “Faces-Do Not
Worship,” she points out that this place people travel to has become basically
a joke since it wasn’t even the Americans’ land to start out with. I don’t know if I should even point out the
violence aspect tied to this land since we’ve all read and listened to the same
texts.
I’d also like to quickly mention “The Pursuit of
Whiteness: Property, Terror, and Expansion, 1790-1860” and how Roediger points
out that political theorists connect our forefathers’ claim to “the pursuit of
happiness” to the “pursuit of property” (581).
I think it is interesting if we look at the Black Hills as property that
our forefathers “pursued” in the hopes of obtaining happiness through financial
prosperity and how the Indians view this property as a part of their heritage. I realize that I need to wrap up my blog
post, so I’m just going to end by saying that I think the complexities between
property and pursuing happiness is an interesting way of looking at the Pine
Ridge Indian Reservation and the Black Hills.
Jessica,
ReplyDeleteYour last paragraph has me thinking about Huey's political statement in the end of his talk. In general, I think of "pursuit of happiness" along the lines of prosperity––basically, wealth. So I was also interested in Roediger's idea about the "pursuit of property," and I think all that is interesting in light of the piece from National Geographic, where the Lakota man said that they did not want money for the Black Hills, they wanted the land back. I think this specific place of violence, the Black Hills, serves as a perfect example of what Roediger is talking about when he discusses "pursuit of property" and the way imperialism is tied to territory and land, and the way that the American West was constructed.